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Adventures
With Cassiopaea
Chapter
35
It is truly
difficult to appreciate just how different the functioning of the psychopaths
is compared to that of normal people. After killing a waiter who had asked
him to leave a restaurant Jack Abbott denied any remorse because he "hadn't
done anything wrong" because "there was no pain, it was a clean wound"
and the victim was "not worth a dime." (Hare, pp. 42-3). John Wayne Gacy
murdered thirty-three young men and boys, but described himself as the
victim because he had been "robbed of his childhood." Kenneth Taylor battered
his wife to death and then couldn't understand why no one sympathized
with him in the tragic loss of his wife! A female psychopath allowed her
boyfriend to rape her five-year-old daughter when she was too tired for
sex, and then was outraged that social services took the child away! Diane
Downs murdered her three children, then wounded herself to create "evidence"
of an attack by a stranger. Asked about her feelings after the regarding
the loss of her children, Downs replied "I couldn't tie my damned shoes
for about two months. […] The scar is going to be there forever. […] I
think my kids were lucky' (Hare, p. 53 quoted from The Oprah Winfrey Show,
September 26, 1988). Hare remarks:
Another
psychopath in our research said that he did not really understand what
others meant by "fear". However, "When I rob a bank," he said, "I notice
that the teller shakes or becomes tongue tied. One barfed all over the
money. She must have been pretty messed up inside, but I don't know
why. If someone pointed a gun at me I guess I'd be afraid, but I wouldn't
throw up." When asked to describe how he would feel in such a situation,
his reply contained no reference to bodily sensations. He said things
such as, "I'd give you the money;" "I'd think of ways to get the drop
on you;" "I'd try and get my ass out of there." When asked how he would
feel, not what he would think or do, he seemed perplexed. Asked if he
ever felt his heart pound or his stomach churn, he replied, "Of course!
I'm not a robot. I really get pumped up when I have sex or when I get
into a fight" (Hare, pp. 53-4).
One of the
truly scary things about psychopaths is the fact that most psychotherapies
actually seem to make psychopaths more likely to further violate the rights
of others on even grander scales, probably because psychopaths use psychotherapy
to hone their skills in psychological manipulation. In no case has it
been confirmed that such therapies have ever helped a psychopath, even
if they will use the fact that they have had therapy to con people, because,
inside the psychopath sees no need to change their admirable personalities.
One researcher,
Linda Mealey, describes psychopaths in terms of "cheaters." This suggests
to us that our study of psychopaths might be helped along by considering
them in terms of card sharks:
Human
cheaters would not be detectable by instruments routinely available
to his or her conspecifics… [and] should be very mobile during their
lifetimes. The longer a cheater interacts with the same group of conspecifics
the more likely they are to recognize the cheater's strategy and to
refuse to engage in interactions with him or her. There will be costs
of mobility, since the mobile cheater will have to learn a new social
environment after a move, and he or she will need to be skilled at it.
A third prediction is that human cheaters would be especially facile
with words, language, and interpersonal empathy… Human male and female
cheaters should exhibit very different patterns of cheating, reflecting
the obligate mammalian dimorphism in reproductive strategy and potential.
A male cheater should be especially skillful at persuading females to
copulate and at deceiving females about his control of resources and
about the likelihood of his provisioning future offspring. Females,
on the other hand, should feign lack of interest in copulation in order
to deceive males about their paternity confidence. They should also
exaggerate need and helplessness in order to induce males to provide
them with more resources and support than they might otherwise provide.
Finally, female cheaters might abandon offspring as soon as they perceived
that the chance of offspring survival exceeded some critical value (Harpending
& Sobus, 1987, 65S-66S).
Mealey's
distinguishes between congenital, or primary sociopaths who are "born
cheaters," and secondary psychopaths who become "cheaters" in order to
enhance their "mating and acquisition" possibilities. Her model suggests
that primary psychopaths can be recognized at an early age - as toddlers
- and secondary ones manifest their psychopathic nature somewhat later
- possibly around the age of puberty. The primary psychopath seems to
be more prevalent among well to do, well nourished, well nurtured classes,
and the secondary psychopath tends to emerge from disadvantaged backgrounds.
In this
sense, I think that the terms psychopath and sociopath might be useful
to distinguish the two. Mealey's "secondary psychopaths," which we will
refer to as sociopaths, are general of low socioeconomic status, low intelligence
and poor social skills, experience parental neglect, abuse, inconsistent
discipline, and punishment their antisocial behavior is a response to
social pressures.
According
to Mealey primary sociopaths are "designed for the successful operation
of social deception and… are the product of evolutionary pressures which…
lead some individuals to pursue a life strategy of manipulative and predatory
social interactions' (Mealey, 1995). In short, they are designed to be
the vectors of our reality. Game Theory.
However,
not every indulged child becomes a psychopath, but we have to wonder at
the indulgent, hothouse nurturing approach that is "prescribed" for the
"special Indigo children," which is precisely designed to do precisely
that.
The many
people interviewed by Steven Levy generally agree that Ira was able to
manipulate the emotions of others in such a way as to numb their critical
faculties to the point where they were willing to believe anything he
said. He was able to manipulate them to believe that he was the noble
David of the Counterculture against the Goliath of "the establishment."
His listeners were ready to believe anything about him that HE said, because
they wanted to - even if the facts indicated the exact opposite. This
emotional bond he created in his audience was not easily dissolved, and
its chief effect was to rob people of their critical thinking functions.
They did not want to be confused with facts, they did not want to have
to think, they only wanted Ira to give voice to their own feelings of
anger and resistance.
With his
enormous intellect, Ira was able to pull up facts and figures about just
any topic you could name or mentions, which gave an impression of infallibility.
He had a talent for repeating things he had heard in such a way that the
listener was led to believe that the ideas and insights were his own,
that he was very clever; an intellectual, even a genius. He was a consummate
"poseur." His inability to produce or "give" anything
truly creative in terms of writing, was evidence that his "powers"
had to do strictly with interactions wherein subtle manipulation geared
toward eliciting emotional responses from his audience.
It is
said that, in any room, Ira Einhorn commanded attention to himself.
He would "routinely unleash a dazzling fusillade of powerful or well-known
names he was in contact with, inside information he had access to, and
the elevated means of understanding that he had attained. He had an
odd way of twisting his apocalyptic vision so that he could speak of
the world's inhabitants in the first-person plural, yet somehow be personally
exempt from the category. Things are happening so fast that people don't
know how to deal with the situation, he'd declaim, with the implicit
understanding that Ira Einhorn himself had no difficulty comprehending
the disorienting complexity of the world around him.
The very
unspokenness of this superiority could make it more infuriating, because
you could not put your finger on it. Ira had a way of appropriating
the high ground for his opinions and attitudes, simply because they
were Ira's, and by that measure correct. He would borrow your vacuum
cleaner, and if you asked him, months after the loan had passed, if
he might see fit to return the vacuum cleaner he would casually reply
that, oh, the vacuum cleaner was broken, and change the subject. If
you persisted, tried to elicit at leas some clarifying comment on the
missing vacuum cleaner, he would regard you with some disappointment
- you actually care about a vacuum cleaner? And you, bound in your material
possessions, would shrink a little, thinking of course vacuum cleaners
are but dust in the great mandala of existence. And if you resented
the fact that you were out one vacuum cleaner, you kept it to yourself.
Ira Einhorn
handled formal rejection in much the same spirit. It was seldom his
failing, but the inadequate qualities of the rejecter that led to those
problems. Once, writer William Irwin Thompson refused Einhorn permission
to attend sessions at Thompson's New Age conversation pit, Lindesfarne.
In fact, as Thompson recalls, "I told him he was full of shit." And
what did Einhorn do? "His way was to become patronizing and condescending,"
Thompson recalls. "To [imply] I was a benighted person with neurotic
hang-ups, a gifted person with blocks, who would never amount to much
because he had all these strange blockages to the evolutionary momentum
of the human race. That I was beyond salvation."
"Ira always
lived as if the rules didn't apply to him, and for an extraordinary
amount of time he got away with that," says Ira's friend Mike Hoffman.
"He got away with it because he convinced people of his very special
quality. Which he had. The intensity he put into all the reading and
thinking and the willingness to go out there farther than anyone else
to follow some train of thought. […] Ira really was [to himself] the
center of the universe, says his friend Ralph Moore, who ran the Christian
Association at Penn. "He would have an 'ends justifies the means attitude
that says, 'My agenda is the legitimate one here.'
"Ira psychologically
had no superego," says Stuart Samuels. "One of the reasons that his
smell was so bad, despite people literally telling him about it, was
that it didn't matter, because as far as he was concerned, he was larger
than the world. So it didn't matter if he smelled. Ira was totally egocentric,
so anything you said would always turn back on his knowledge of it,
his point of view. It was always from his perspective."
"What
I saw Ira do most was take over, wherever he was.," says Jeff Berner,
a [friend of] Ira's. "Dominate every social scene, take over every room
use every environment and ever space fully as his own. He was one of
the few people I've allowed to do that in my own home. And I didn't
mind because by the time he left, I was richer." Thus friends and associates
accepted Ira's ego as part of a package which, on balance, was marvelously
entertaining, intellectually provocative, and righteously motivated.
Best of all, if you joked about it, Einhorn would be the first to laugh
with you. […] He would rail about macrobiotics for half an hour, and
you could, as one friend did, finally interrupt him by saying, "Great,
Ira, now let's go and get a hamburger," and Ira would say, 'Sure," without
missing a beat. [Levy, op. cit.]
Einhorn
assiduously promoted drug use and frequent, promiscuous sex among young
people. He would call for "open forums where people will listen,
instead of shoving drugs under the rug." Ira passed out DMT and
hash to students and friends and taught classes entitled "Analogues
to the LSD experience." This maneuver was designed to create
even more controversy about himself. Even though LSD was being discussed
by everyone in private, Ira was the first in Philadelphia who dared to
publicly proclaim Acid's "virtues." He encouraged and participated
in "sexual encounters," otherwise known as orgies, and his reputation
as a "cocksman" was, as we have already noted, legendary, if
somewhat misleading. Ira had quantity, not quality, it seems.
Keep in
mind, he began his public "ascent" in 1964-66.
Continue
to page 307
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